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Tiêu đề Dictionaries of the Hind
Tác giả George A. Miller
Trường học Princeton University
Chuyên ngành Psychology
Thể loại Báo cáo khoa học
Thành phố Princeton
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Some examples of psycholinguistic research on the lexical component of language are reviewed with special atten- tion to their implications for the compu- tational problem.. INTRODUCTION

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George A Miller Department of Psychology Princeton University

Princeton, NJ 08544, USA

ABSTRACT How lexical information should be

formulated, and how it is organized in

computer memory for rapid retrieval, are

central questions for computational

linguists who want to create systems for

language understanding How lexical

knowledge is acquired, and how it is

organized in human memory for rapid

retrieval during language use, are also

central questions for cognitive psycholo-

gists Some examples of psycholinguistic

research on the lexical component of

language are reviewed with special atten-

tion to their implications for the compu-

tational problem

INTRODUCTION

I would like to describe some recent

psychological research on the nature and

organization of lexical knowledge, yet to

introduce it that way, as research on the

nature a n d organization of lexical

knowledge, usually leaves the impression

that it is abstract and not very

practical But that impression is pre-

cisely wrong; the work is very practical

and not at all abstract So I shall take

a different tack

Computer scientists those in ar-

tificial intelligence especlally some-

times introduce their work by emphasizing

its potential contribution to an under-

standing of the human mind I propose to

adopt that strategy in reverse: to intro-

duce work in psychology by emphasizing

Its potential contribution to the devel-

opment of information processing and

communication systems We may both be

wrong, of course, but at least this

strategy indicates a spirit of coopera-

tion

Let me sketch a general picture of

the future You may not share my expec-

tations, but once you see where I think

events are leading, you will understand

why I believe that research on the nature

and organization of lezical knowledge is

worth doing You may disagree, but a t least you will understand

Some Technological Assumptions

I assume that computers are going to

be directly linked by communication net- works Even now, in local area networks,

a workstation can access information on any disk connected anywhere in the net Soon such networks will not be locally restricted The model that is emerging

is of a very large computer whose parts are geographically distributed; large corporations, government agencies, uni- versity consortia, groups of scientists, and others who can afford it will be working together in shared information environments For example, someday the Association foe Computational Linguistics will maintain and update an exhaustive knowledge base immediately accessible to all computational linguists

Our present conception of computers

as distinct objects will not fade away the local workstation seems destined to grow smaller and more powerful every year but developments in networking will allow users to think of their own work- stations not merely as computers, but as windows into a vast information space that they can use however they desire Most of the parts needed for such a system already exist, and fiber optic technology will soon transmit broadband signals over long distances at affordable costs Putting the parts together into large, non-local networks is no trivial task, but it will happen

Computer scientists probably have their own versions of this story, but no special expertise is required to see that rapid progress lies ahead Moreover, this development will have implications for cognitive psychology However the technological implementation works out,

at least one aspect raises questions of considerable psychological interest: in particular, how will people use it? What kind of man-machine interface will there be?

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board," as one futurist has put it (Bolt,

1984), has been a subject for much crea-

tive speculation, since the possibilities

are numerous and diverse Although no

single interface will be optimal for

every use, many users will surely want to

interact with the system in something

reasonably close to a natural language

Indeed, if the development of information

networks is to be financed by those who

use them, the interface will have to be

as natural as possible which means

that natural language processing will be

a part of the interface

N a t u r a l Language Interfaces

Natural language interfaces to large

knowledge bases are going to become gen-

erally available The only question is

when How long will it take? Systems

already exist that converse and answer

questions on restricted topics How much

remains to be done?

Before these systems will be gener-

ally useful, three difficult requirements

will have to be met An interface must:

(1) have access to a large, general-pur-

pose knowledge base; (2) be able to deal

with an enormous vocabulary~ (3) be able

to reason in ways that human users find

familiar Other features would be highly

desirable (e.g., automatic speech recog-

nition, digital processing of images,

spatially distributed displays of infor-

mation), but the three listed above seem

critical

Requirement (I) will be met by the

creation of the network How a user's

special interests will shape the organ-

ization of his knowledge base and his

locally resident programs poses fascin-

ating problems, but I do not understand

them well enough to comment I simply

assume that eventually every user can

have at his disposal, either locally or

remotely, whatever data bases and expert

systems he desires

Requirement (3), the ability to draw

inferences as people do, is probably the

most difficult It is not likely to be

"solved" by any single insight, but a

robust system for revising belief struc-

tures will be an essential component of

any satisfactory interface I believe

that psychologists and other cognitive

scientists have much to contribute to the

solution of this problem, but the most

promising work to date has been done by

computer scientists Since I have little

to say about the problem other than how

difficult it is, I will turn instead to

requirement (2), which seems more trac-

table

Giving a system a large vocabulary poses no difficulty in principle And everyone who has tried to develop systems

to process natural language recognizes the importance of a large vocabulary Thus, the vocabulary problem looks like a good place to start The dimensions of the problem are larger than might be expected, however, so there has been some disagreement about the best strategy

If, in addition to understanding a user's queries, the system is expected to understand all the words in the vast knowledge base to which it will have access, then it should probably have on the order of 250,000 lexical entries: at 1,000 bytes/entry (a modest estimate), that is 250 megabytes Since standard dictionaries do not contain many of the words that are printed in newspapers (Walker & Amsler, 1984), another 250,000 megabytes would probably be required for proper nouns Since I am imagining the future, however, I will assume that such large memories will be available inex- pensively at every user's workstation

It is not memory size per se that poses the problem

The problem is how to get all that information into a computer Even if you knew how the information should be repre- sented, a good lexical entry would take a long time to write Writing 250,000 of them is a daunting task

No doubt there are many exciting projects that I don't happen to know about, but on the basis of my perusal of the easily accessible literature there seem to he two approaches to the vocabu- lary problem One uses a machine-read- able version of some traditional diction- ary and tries to adapt it to the needs of

a language processing system Call this the "book" approach The other writes iexical entries for some fragment of the English lexicon, hut formulates those en- tries in a notation that is convenient for computational manipulation Call this the "demo" approach

The book approach has the advantage

of including a large number of words, but the information with each word is d i f f i - cult to use The demo approach has the advantage that the information about each word is easy to use, but there are usual-

ly not many words The real problem, therefore, is how to combine these two approaches: how to attain the coverage of

a traditional dictionary in a c o m p u t a -

tionally convenient form

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The Book A p p r o a c h

If you a d o p t the book approach, w h a t

you w a n t to do is t r a n s l a t e t r a d i t i o n a l

d i c t i o n a r y e n t r i e s into a n o t a t i o n that

m a k e s evident to the m a c h i n e the m o r p h o -

logical, syntactic, semantic, and p r a g -

m a t i c p r o p e r t i e s that are n e e d e d in o r d e r

to c o n s t r u c t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s for s e n t e n -

ces Since there are m a n y e n t r i e s to be

translated, the n a t u r a l s o l u t i o n is to

w r i t e a p r o g r a m that w i l l do it a u t o m a -

tically But that is not an e a s y task

One reason the t r a n s l a t i o n s are dif-

ficult is that s y n o n y m s are hard to find

in a c o n v e n t i o n a l d i c t i o n a r y A l p h a -

b e t i c a l o r d e r i n g is the only w a y that a

l e x i c o g r a p h e r w h o w o r k s by hand can k e e p

track of his data, but an a l p h a b e t i c a l

order puts t o g e t h e r w o r d s w i t h similar

s p e l l i n g s and s c a t t e r s h a p h a z a r d l y w o r d s

w i t h similar meanings C o n s e q u e n t l y ,

similar senses of d i f f e r e n t w o r d s may be

w r i t t e n very d i f f e r e n t l y ; they may be

w r i t t e n at d i f f e r e n t times and even by

d i f f e r e n t people (For example, c o m p a r e

the entries for the m o d a l v e r b s 'can,'

'must,' and 'will' in the O x f o r d E n g l i s h

Dictionary.) O n l y a very smart p r o g r a m

could a p p r e c i a t e w h i c h d e f i n i t i o n s should

be p a r a p h r a s e s of one another

A n o t h e r reason that the t r a n s l a t i o n s

are d i f f i c u l t is that l e x i c o g r a p h e r s are

fond of polysemy It is a mark of c a r e -

ful s c h o l a r s h i p that all the senses of a

w o r d should be d i s t i n g u i s h e d ; the m o r e

careful the scholarship, the g r e a t e r the

number of d i s t i n c t i o n s

W h e n d i c t i o n a r y entries are taken

l i t e r a l l y the results for s e n t e n c e inter-

p r e t a t i o n are ridiculous C o n s i d e r an

example Suppose the l a n g u a g e p r o c e s s o r

is asked to p r o v i d e an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n for

some simple sentence, say:

"The boy loves his m o t h e r "

And imagine it has a v a i l a b l e the text of

M e r r i a m - W e b s t e r ' s N i n t h New C o l l e o i a t e

D ~ Ignoring sub-senses:

"the" has 4 senses,

"boy" has 3,

"love" has 9 as a noun and 4 as a

verb,

"his" h a s 2 entries, and

"mother" has 4 as a noun, 3 as an ad-

jective, 2 as a verb

Such numbers invite c a l c u l a t i o n If w e

a s s u m e the s y s t e m has a p a r s e r able to do

no m o r e than r e c o g n i z e that "love" is a

verb and "mother" is a noun, then, on the

b a s i s of the l i t e r a l i n f o r m a t i o n in this

dictionary, there are 4 x 3 x 4 x 2 x 4 - 384

c a n d i d a t e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s This c a l c u l a -

tion a s s u m e s m i n i m a l p a r s i n g and m a x i m a l

r e l i a n c e on the d i c t i o n a r y Of course,

no s e l f - r e s p e c t i n g p a r s e r w o u l d t o l e r a t e

so m a n y p a r a l l e l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of a sentence, but the i l l u s t r a t i o n g i v e s a

f e e l i n g for how m u c h w o r k a good p a r s e r does A-d all of it is done in o r d e r to

" d i s a m b i g u a t e " a s e n t e n c e that n o b o d y w h o

k n o w s E n g l i s h w o u l d c o n s i d e r to be the least a m b i g u o u s

: S y n o n y m y and p o l y s e m y pose s e r i o u s problems, even b e f o r e w e raise the q u e s - tion of how to t r a n s l a t e c o n v e n t i o n a l

d e f i n i t i o n s into c o m p u t a t i o n a l l y u s e f u l

n o t a t i o n s A n y s y s t e m will have to c o p e

w i t h s y n o n y m y and p o l y s e m y , of course, but the book a p p r o a c h to the v o c a b u l a r y

p r o b l e m s e e m s to raise them in a c u t e forms, w h i l e p r o v i d i n g l i t t l e of the in-

f o r m a t i o n r e q u i r e d to resolve them W i t h

s u f f i c i e n t p a t i e n c e this a p p r o a c h will

s u r e l y lead to a s a t i s f a c t o r y solution, but no one s h o u l d think it w i l l be easy

T h e V o c a b u l a r y M a t r i x

As p r e s e n t e d so far, s y n o n y m y and

p o l y s e m y a p p e a r to be two d i s t i n c t p r o b - lems From another point of view, they are m e r e l y two d i f f e r e n t w a y s of l o o k i n g

at the same problem

In essence, a c o n v e n t i o n a l d i c t i o n - ary is s i m p l y a m a p p i n g of senses onto words, and a m a p p i n g can be c o n v e n i e n t l y

r e p r e s e n t e d as a matrix: call it a v o c a b -

u l a r y matrix Imagine a huge m a t r i x w i t h all the w o r d s in a l a n g u a g e a c r o s s the top of the matrix, and all the d i f f e r e n t senses that those w o r d s can e x p r e s s d o w n the the side If a p a r t i c u l a r sense can

be e x p r e s s e d by a word, then the cell in that row and c o l u m n c o n t a i n s an entry;

o t h e r w i s e it c o n t a i n s nothing The e n t r y itself can p r o v i d e s y n t a c t i c i n f o r m a t i o n ,

or e x a m p l e s of usage, or even a p i c t u r e w h a t e v e r the l e x i c o g r a p h e r deems i m -

p o r t a n t e n o u g h to include T a b l e 1 shows

a f r a g m e n t of a v o c a b u l a r y matrix

T a b l e i F r a g m e n t of a V o c a b u l a r y M a t r i x

C o l u m n s r e p r e s e n t m o d a l verbs; rows

r e p r e s e n t m o d a l senses; 'E' in a cell

m e a n s the w o r d in that c o l u m n can e x p r e s s

the sense in that row

W O R D S

S E N S E S can m a y _ m u ~ ~ _ M i l 1

be o b l i g e d to E

c e r t a i n to be E

be n e c e s s a r y E

e x p e c t e d t o b e E E

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Several comments should be made about the

vocabulary matrix

First, it should be apparent that

any conventional dictionary can be repre-

sented as a vocabulary matrix: simply add

a column to the matrix for every word,

and add a row to the matrix for every

sense of every word that is given in the

printed dictionary (A lexical matrix

can be viewed as an impractical w~y of

printing a dictionary on a single, very

large sheet of paper.)

Second, entering such a matrix con-

sists of searching down some column or

across some row So a vocabulary matrix

can be entered either with a word or w i t h

a sense Thus, one difference between

conventional dicticnaries, which can be

entered only with a word, and the dic-

tionary in out mind, which can be entered

with either words or senses, disappears

when dictionaries are represented in this

more abstract form

Third, if you enter the matrix with

a sense and search along a row, you find

all the words that express that sense

When different words express the same

sense, we say they are g~iQ~ym~USo On

the other hand, if you enter the matrix

with a word and look down that column,

you find all the different senses that

that word can express When one word can

express two or more senses, we say that

it is ambiguous, or ~ixsemglL~ Thus,

the two great complications of lexical

knowledge, synonymy and polysemy, are

seen as complementary aspects of a single

abstract structure=

Finally, since the vocabulary matrix

s e r v e s only to represent the mapping

between the two domains, it is free to

expand as new words, or new senses for

familiar words, are added Of course,

the number of columns is relatively fixed

by the size of the vocabulary, so the

major degrees of freedom are in deciding

what the senses are and how to represent

them

T h e D e m o Approach

When the question is raised of what

a computationally useful lexical entry

should look like, it is time to shift

from the book approach to the demo ap-

proach, where serious attempts have been

made to establish a conceptual notation

in which semantic interpretations can be

expressed for computational use

By "the demo approach" I mean the

strategy of building a system to process

language that is confined to some well

defined content area Since language

processing is a large and difficult

trying out one's ideas in a small way to see whether they work If the ideas don't work in a limited domain, they certainly won't work in the unlimited domain of general discourse The result

of this approach has been a series of progressively more ambitious demonstra- tion programs

Among those who take this approach, two extremes can be distinguished On the one hand are those who feel that syntactic analysis is essential and should be carried, if not to completion, then as far as possible before resorting

to semantic information On the other hand are those who prefer s e m a n t i c s - b a s e d processing and consider syntactic cri- teria only when they get in trouble The difference is largely one of emphasis, since neither extreme seems willing to rely totally on one or the other kind of information, and most workers would probably locate themselves somewhere in the middle Since I am concerned here with the lexical aspects

of language comprehension, however, I shall look primarily at semantics-based processing

Vocabulary S i z e Most of these demos have small vo- cabularies It is surprising how much you can do with 1,500 well chosen words;

a demo with more than 5,000 words would

be evidence of manic energy on the part

of its creator A few thousand lexical entries have been all that was required

in order to test the ideas that the de-

signer was interested in

The problem, of course, is that writing dictionary definitions is hard work, and writing them in LISP doesn't make it any easier If you are satisfied with definitions that take five lines of code, then, obviously, you can build a much larger dictionary than if you try to cram into an entry all the different senses that are found in conventional dictionaries But e v e n with short definitions, a great many have to be written

If you want the language processor

to have as large a vocabulary as the average user, you will have to give it at least i00,000 words One way to g e t a feeling for how many words that is is to translate it into a rate of acquisition Several years ago I looked at Mildred Templin's (1953) data that way Templin measured the vocabulary size of children

of average intelligence at 6, 7, and 8 years of age In two years they acquired

2 8 , 3 0 0 - 13,000 = 15,300 words, which

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averages out to about 21 words per day

(Miller, 1977)

Most people, when they hear that

result, confess that they had no idea

that children are learning new words at

such a rapid rate But the arithmetic

holds just as well for computers as for

children If you want the language pro-

cessor to have a vocabulary of 100,000

words, and if you are willing to spend

ten years putting definitions into it,

then you will have to put in more than 27

new definitions every day

How far from this goal are today's

demos? The answer should be simple, but

it's not It is hard to tell exactly how

many words these systems can handle

Definitions are usually written in terms

of a relatively small set of semantic

primitives, and the inheritance of

properties is assumed wherever possible

The goal, of course, is to create an

unambiguous semantic representation that

can be used as input to an inferencing

system, so the form of these representa-

tions is much more important than their

variety, at least in the initial experi-

ments In the hands of a clever program-

mer, a few hundred semantic primitives

can really do an enormous a m o u n t of work

Although it is often assumed that

the fewer semantic primitives a system

requires, the better it is, in fact there

seems to be little advantage to keeping

the number small When the number of

primitives is small, definitions become

long permutations of that small number of

different atoms (Miller, 1978) When the

set of primitives gets too small, defini-

tions become like machine code: the com-

puter loves them, but people find them

hard to read or write

C ~ I n l n g Book and Demo

How large a set of semantic primi-

tives do we need? It is claimed that

Basic English can express any idea with

only 850 words, but that really cuts the

vocabulary to the bone The

D i c t i o n a r y of Contemporary Enalish~ which

is very popular with people learning

English as a second language, uses a

constrained vocabulary of about 2,000

words (plus some specialized terms) to

write its definitions

Using the L ~ as a guide, Richard

Cullingford and I tried to estimate how

ing a computationally useful lexicon

Our initial thought was to write LISP

programs for 2,000 basic terms, then use

Cullingford's l a n g u a g e processor

(Cullingford, 1985) to translate all of

the definitions into LISP We quickly

are polysemous; different senses are used

in different definitions As a rough estimate, we thought 12,000 basic concepts might suffice

An examination of the ~ defi- nitions also indicated that a great deal

of information might have to be added to the translated definitions Many of the simpler conceptual dependencies (informa- tion required for disambiguation, as well

as for drawing inferences; Schank, 1975) have to be included in the definitions Each translated definition would have to

be checked to see that all sense relations, predicate-argument structures, and selectional restrictions were explicit and correct, and a wide variety

of pragmatic facts (e.g., that "anyhow"

in initial position signals a change of topic) would probably have to be added

We have not undertaken this task Not only would writing 12,000 defini- tions (and checking out and supple- menting 50,000 more) require a major commitment of time and energy, but we do not have Longman's permission to use their dictionary this way I report it, not as a project currently under way, but simply as one way to think about the magnitude of the vocabulary problem

So the situation is roughly this: In order to have natural language interfaces

to the marvellous information sources that will soon be available, one thing we

m u s t do is beef up the vocabularies that natural language processors can handle That will not be an easy thing to accomplish Although there is no principled reason why natural language processors should not have vocabularies large enough to deal with a any domain of topics, we are presently far from having such vocabularies on llne

THE SEARCH PROBLEM

As we look ahead to having large vocabularies, we must begin to think more carefully about the search problem

In general, the larger a data base

is, the longer it takes to locate some- thing in it How a large vocabulary can

be organized in human memory to permit retrieval of word meanings at conversa- tional rates is a fascinating question, especially since retrieval from the subjective lexicon does not seem to get slower as a person's vocabulary gets larger The technical issues involved in achieving such performance with silicon

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only well enough to recognize that there

are many possibilities and no easy an-

swers Instead of speculating about the

computer, therefore, I will take a moment

to marvel at how well people manage their

large vocabularies

In the past fifteen years or so a

number of cognitive psychologists have

been sufficiently impressed by people's

lexical skills to design experiments that

they hoped would reveal how people do it

This is not the time to review all that

research (see Simpson, 1984), but some of

the questions that have been raised merit

attention

Psychologists have considered two

kinds of theories of lexical access,

known as search theories and threshold

theories

Search theories assume that a pas-

sive trace is stored in the mental lexi-

con and that lexical access consists of

matching the stimulus to its memory rep-

resentation Preliminary analysis of the

stimulus is said to generate a set of

candidates, which is searched serially

until a match is found

Threshold theories claim that each

sense of every word ks an independent

detector waiting for its features to

occur When the feature count for any

sense gets above some threshold, that

sense becomes conscious

Both kinds of theories can account

for most of the experimental data, but

not all of it which is unfortunate,

since a clear decision in favor of one or

the other might help to resolve the ques-

tion of whether lexical access involves a

serial processor with search and retrie-

val, or a parallel processor with simple

activation Since the brain apparently

uses slow and noisy components, something

searching in parallel seems plausible,

but such devices are not yet well under-

s t o o d

Accesslnq Ambiquous Words

Some of the most interesting psycho-

logical research on lexical access con-

cerns how people get at the meanings of

polysemous words These studies exploit

a phenomenon called priming: when a word

in a given lexical domain occurs, other

words in that domain become more acces-

sible

For example, a person is asked to

say, as quickly as possible, whether a

sequence of letters spells an English

word If the word DOCTOR has just been

presented, then NURSE will be recognized more rapidly than if the preceding word had been unrelated~ like BUTTER (Meyer & Schvaneveldt, 1971; Becket, 1980) The recognition of DOCTOR is said to prime the recognition of NURSE

This lexlcal decision task can be used to study polysemy if the priming word is ambiguous, and if it ks followed

by probe words appropriate to its dif- ferent senses

For example, the ambiguous prime PALM might be followed on some occasions

by BAND and on other occasions by TREE The question ks whether all senses of a polysemous word are activated simultan- eously, or whether context can facili- tate one meaning and inhibit all others Three explanations of the results of these experiments are presently in compe- tition

Context d e p e n d e n t access Only the sense that is appropriate to the context

is retrieved or activated

Ordered access Search starts with the most frequent sense and continues serially until a sense ks found that s a t -

isfies the context

Exhaustive access Everything is activated in parallel at the same time, then context selects the most appropriate sense

At present, exhaustive access seems

to be the favorite According to that theory, disambiguation is a post-access process; the access process itself ks a cognitive "module," automatic and insul- ated from contextual influence My own suspicion is that none of these theories

is exactly right, and that Simpson (1984)

is probably closer to the truth when he suggests that multiple meanings are ac- cessed, but that dominant meanings appear first and subordinate meanings come in more slowly and then disappear

Psychological research on lexical access is continuing; the complete story

is not yet ready to be told One aspect

of the work is so obvious, however, that its importance tends to be overlooked

Semantic Fields

The priming phenomenon presupposes

an organization of lexical knowledge into patterns of conceptually related words, patterns that some linguists have called semantic fields Apparently a semantic field can fluctuate in accessibility as a whole

310

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of semantic fields as evidence in favor

of theories of semantic decomposition

(Miller & Johnson-Laird, 1976) The idea

is that all the words in a semantic fleld

share some primitive semantic concept,

and it is the activation or suppression

of that shared concept that affects the

accessibillty of the words sharing it

Scribing some research we have been doing

on vocabulary growth in school children The results indicate that we need better ways to teach new words~ with that need

in mind I will return to the question of

what we can reasonably expect from n a t u -

ral language interfaces

Nominal semantic fields are fre-

quently organized hierarchically and so

are relatively simple to appreciate

Verbal semantic fields, however, tend to

be more complex For example, all the

motion verbs "move," "come," "go,"

"bring," "rise," "fall," "walk," "run,"

=turn," and so on share a semantic

primitive that might be glossed as

"change location as a function of time."

In a similar manner, verbs of possession

"possess," "have," "own," "borrow,"

"buy," "sell," "find," and so on share

a semantic primitive that has to do with

Eights of ownership

Not all semantic primes nucleate

semanti¢ fields, however There is a

causative primitive that differentiates

"rise" and "raise," "fall" and "fell,"

"die" and "kill," and so on, yet the

causative verbs "raise," "fell," "kill"

do not form a causative semantic field

Johnson-Laird and I distinguished two

classes of semantic primitives: those

(like motion) around which a semantic

field can form, and those (like causa-

tion) used to differentiate concepts

within a given field

Although the nature of semantic

primitives is a matter of considerable

interest to anyone who proposes a sem-

antic notation for writing the defini-

tions that a language processing system

will use, they have received relatively

little attention from psychologists

Experimental psychologlsts have a strong

tendency to concentrate on questions of

function and process at the expense of

questions of content Perhaps their

attempts to understand the processes of

disambiguation will stimulate greater

interest in these structural questions

THE PROBLEM OF CONTEXT

The reason that lexical polysemy

causes so little actual ambiguity is

that, in actual use, context provides

information that can be used to select

the intended sense Although c o n t e x t u a l

disambiguation is simple enough when

people do it, it is not easy for a compu-

ter to do, even when the text is seman-

tically well-formed With semantically

ill-formed input the problem is much

worse

C h i l d r e n ' s U s e o f D i c t i o n a r i e s

We have been looking at what happens when teachers send children to the dic- tionary to "look up a word and write a sentence using it." The results can be amusing: for example, Deese (1967) has reported on a 7th-grade teacher who told her class to look up "chaste" and use it

in a sentence Their sentences included:

"The milk was chaste," "The plates were still chaste after much use," and "The amoeba is a chaste animal."

In order to understand what they were doing, you have to see the diction- ary entry for "chaste':

CHASTE: i innocent of unlawful sexual intercourse 2 celibate 3 pure in thought and act, modest 4 severely simple in design or execution, austere

As Deese noted, e a c h of the children's

sentences is compatible with information provided by the dictionary that they had been told to consult

You might think that Deese's obser- vation was merely an amusing reflection

of some quirk in the dictionary entry foe

"chaste," but that assumption would be quite wrong Patti Gildea and I (Miller

& Gildea, 1985) have confirmed Deese's observation many times over We asked 5th and 6th grade children to look words

up and to write sentences using them As

of this writing, our i0- and 11-year old friends have written a few thousand sen- tences for us, and we are still collect-

i n g t h e m Our goal is to discover which kinds

of mistakes are most frequent In order

to do this, we evaluate each sentence as

we enter it into a data management system and, if something is wrong, we describe the mistake By collecting our descrip- tions, we have made a first, tentative classification

This project is still going on, so I can give only a preliminary report based

on about 20% of our data So far we have analyzed 457 sentences incorporating 22 target words: 12 are relatively common words that most of the children knew, and i0 are relatively rare words with which they were unfamiliar The common words

Trang 8

words introduced by authors of 4th-grade

basal readers; the rare words were selec-

ted from those introduced in 12th-grade

readers (Taylor, Frackenpohl, & White,

1979) It is convenient to refer to them

as the 4th-grade words and the 12th-grade

words, respectively

Errors were relatively frequent Of

the sentences classified so far, only 21%

of those using 4th-grade words were suf-

ficiently odd or unacceptable to indicate

that the author did not have a good grasp

on the meaning and use of the word, but

63t of the sentences using 12th-grade

words were judged to be odd= Thus, the

majority of the errors o c c u r r e d with the

12th-grade words

Table 2 shows our current classifi-

cation Note that the categories are not

mutually exclusive: some ingenious young-

sters are able to make two oz even three

mistakes in a single sentence

Table 2 Classification of S e n t e n c e s

TYPe of Sentence 4th-arade 12th~azade

Most of the descriptive phrases in Table

2 should be self-explanatory, but some

examples may help Skip the selectional

errors; I shall say more about them in a

m o m e n t

Cons ider "Wrong part of speech":

a student wrote "my hobby is 1 istening

to Ouran Duran records, I have obtained

an ACCRUE for it', thus using a verb as a

noun As an example of "Wrong prepo-

sition," consider the student who wrote:

aBe very METICULOUS on your work." An

example of "Inappropriate topic" is: "The

train was TRANSITORY." An example of

"Inappropriate o b j e c t " is: " I was METIC-

ULOUS about falling off the cliff." Ex-

amples of "Used rhyming word" are =Did it

ever ACCRUE to you that Maria T always

marks with a special pencil on my face?',

"Did you evict that old TENET?", and "The

man had a knee REPARATION o"

Other categories were even less fre- quent, so return now to the most common type of mistake, the one labelled "Selec- tional error="

V l o l a t l o n s of Seleetlonal P r e f e r e n c e s The sentences that Deese reported illustrate selectional errors Further examples can be taken from our data= "We had a branch ACCRUE on our plant," "1 bought a battery that was TRANSITORY,"

"The rocket REPUDIATE off into the sky,"

"John is always so TENET to me="

It is unfair to call these sentences

"errors" and to laugh at the children's mistakes= The students were doing their best to use the dictionary If there was any mistake, it was made by adults who misunderstood the nature of the task that they had assigned

Take the "accrue" sentence, for ex- ample= The definition that the students saw was:

ACCRUE= come as a growth or result= "In- terest will accrue to you every year from money left in a savings bank Ability to think will accrue to you from good habits of study."

We assume that the student read this def- inition looking for something she under- stood and found "come as a growth." She composed a sentence around this phrase:

"We had a branch COME AS A GROWTH on our plant', then substituted "accrue" for it This strategy seems to account for the other examples A familiar word is found in the definition, a sentence is composed around it, then the unfamiliar word is substituted for the familiar word Some further evidence supports the claim that something like this strategy

is being used One intriguing clue is that sometimes the final substitution is not made= the written sentence contains the word selected from the definition but not the word that it defined And, since substitution is not a simple mental oper- ation for children, sometimes the selec- ted word or phrase from the definition is actually written in the margin of the paper, alongside the requested sentence These are called selectional errors because they violate selectional pref- erences For example, the girl who dis- covered that "stimulate" means "stir up" and so wrote, "Mrs Jones stimulated the cake," violated the selectional prefer- ence that =stimulate" should take an ani- mate o b j e c t

Trang 9

One r e a s o n t h e s e e r r o r s are so fre-

q u e n t is that d i c t i o n a r i e s do not pro-

v i d e m u c h i n f o r m a t i o n about s e l e c t i o n a l

p r e f e r e n c e s W e think w e know how to

remedy that d e f i c i e n c y , but that is not

w h a t I w a n t to d i s c u s s here For the

m o m e n t it s u f f i c e s if you r e c o g n i z e that

w e have a p l e n t i f u l s u p p l y ~ f s e n t e n c e s

c o n t a i n i n g v i o l a t i o n s of s e l e c t i o n a l

p r e f e r e n c e s , and that the s e n t e n c e s are

of some e d u c a t i o n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e

Intelligent Tutoring?

Now let me pose the f o l l o w i n g q u e s -

tion C o u l d w e use these s e n t e n c e s as a

"bug catalog" in an i n t e l l i g e n t t u t o r i n g

system?

At the moment, i n t e l l i g e n t t u t o r i n g

s y s t e m s (Sleeman & Brown, 1982) use m a n y

m e n u s to o b t a i n the s t u d e n t ' s a n s w e r s to

q u e s t i o n s , and some p e o p l e feel that this

is a c t u a l l y an a d v a n t a g e But I s u s p e c t

that if w e had a good l a n g u a g e interface,

one that u n d e r s t o o d natural l a n g u a g e re-

sponses, it w o u l d soon replace the menus

In any case, imagine an i n t e l l i g e n t

tutoring s y s t e m that can h a n d l e n a t u r a l

l a n g u a g e input Imagine that the tutor

asked c h i l d r e n to w r i t e s e n t e n c e s con-

taining w o r d s that they had just seen

defined, r e c o g n i z e d w h e n a s e l e c t i o n a l

e r r o r had occurred, then u n d e r t o o k to ex-

p l a i n the mistake

W h a t w o u l d the i n t e l l i g e n t tutor

have to know in order to d e t e c t and cor-

rect a s e l e c t i o n a l error? O t h e r w i s e

said, w h a t m o r e w o u l d it have to know

than any l a n g u a g e c o m p r e h e n d e r has to

know?

The q u e s t i o n is not rhetorical~ I

ask it b e c a u s e I w o u l d r e a l l y like to

know the answer In my view, it p o s e s

s o m e t h i n g of a dilemma The problem, as

Y o r i c k W i l k s (1978) has p o i n t e d out, is

that any simple rules of c o - o c c u r r e n c e

that w e are l i k e l y to p r o p o s e will, in

real discourse, be v i o l a t e d as o f t e n as

they are observed (Not only do p e o p l e

o f t e n say one thing and m e a n another, but

the p r e v a l e n c e of f i g u r a t i v e and idioma-

tic language is c o n s i s t e n t l y u n d e r e s t i -

m a t e d by theorists.) If we give the

i n t e l l i g e n t tutor strict rules in o r d e r

to d e t e c t s e l e c t i o n a l errors like "Our

car d e p l e t e s g a s o l i n e , " will it not also

treat "Our car d r i n k s g a s o l i n e " as an

error? On the other hand, if the tutor

a c c e p t e d the latter, w o u l d it not also

a c c e p t the former?

An even simpler dilemma, one o f t e n

noted, is that a s y s t e m that b l o c k s such

p h r a s e s as " c o l o r l e s s g r e e n ideas" w i l l

also block such s e n t e n c e s as "There are

t e a c h e s c h i l d r e n to a v o i d " s t i m u l a t e the cake," w i l l it a l s o t e a c h them to a v o i d

=you c a n ' t s t i m u l a t e a c a k e ' ?

W h e n s u b t l e s e m a n t i c d i s t i n c t i o n s are at issue, it is c u s t o m a r y to remark that a s a t i s f a c t o r y l a n g u a g e u n d e r s t a n d - ing s y s t e m w i l l h a v e to k n o w a g r e a t deal

m o r e that the l i n g u i s t i c v a l u e s of w o r d s

It w i l l have to k n o w a g r e a t deal a b o u t the world, and a b o u t t h i n g s that p e o p l e

p r e s u p p o s e w i t h o u t reflection Such remarks are p r o b a b l y true, but they o f f e r

l i t t l e g u i d a n c e in g e t t i n g the job done

S i n c e I have no b e t t e r answer, I

w i l l s i m p l y a g r e e that the lexical i n f o r -

m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e to any s a t i s f a c t o r y lan-

g u a g e u n d e r s t a n d i n g s y s t e m w i l l have to

be c l o s e l y c o o r d i n a t e d w i t h the s y s t e m ' s

g e n e r a l i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t the w o r l d To

p u r s u e that idea would, of course, go

b e y o n d the l e x i c a l l i m i t s I have i m p o s e d here, but it d o e s s u g g e s t that we w i l l have to w r i t e our d i c t i o n a r y not once, but m a n y times until we get it right

So, w h i l e there is no p r i n c i p l e d

o b s t a c l e to h a v i n g large v o c a b u l a r i e s in our n a t u r a l l a n g u a g e interfaces, there are still many p r o b l e m s to be solved

T h e r e is work here for e v e r y o n e lin- guists, p h i l o s o p h e r s , and p s y c h o l o g i s t s ,

as well as c o m p u t e r s c i e n t i s t s and it

is not a b s t r a c t or i m p r a c t i c a l work The

a n s w e r s w e p r o v i d e w i l l shape i m p o r t a n t

a s p e c t s of the i n f o r m a t i o n s y s t e m s of the future

R e f e r e n c e s Amsler, R A (1984) M a c h i n e - r e a d a b l e

d i c t i o n a r i e s A n n u a l R e v i e w Qf

I n f o r m a t i o n S c i e n c e and T e G h n o l o u v ,

19, 161-209

Becket, C A (1980) S e m a n t i c c o n t e x t

e f f e c t s in v i s u a l w o r d recognition: An

a n a l y s i s of s e m a n t i c s t r a t e g i e s

M e m o r y & C o o n i ~ i o n , 8, 493-512

Bol t , R.A (1984) The Human Interface: Where People and Computers meet Belmont, Ca]if.: Lifetime Learning

C u l l i n g f o r d , R E (1985) N a t u r a l L a n -

g u a g e Processing: A K n o w l e d g e E n g i n e - ering Approach (Manuscript)

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meaning

641-651

(1967) M e a n i n g and c h a n g e of

A m e r i c a n P s v c h o l o o i s t , 22,

313

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(1971) Faciliation in recognizing pairs of words: Evidence of a depen- dence between retrieval operations Journal ofLExDerimental_Psvcholoav,

90, 227-234

Miller, G A (1977)

ADDrentices¢ Children and Lanauaue

New York: Seabury Press

Miller, G A (1978) Semantic relations among words In M Halle, J Bresnan,

& G A Miller (eds.), L i ~

Theor~ a n d Psvcholoaical RealitY°

C~mhridge, Mass.: MIT Press

Miller, G A , & G i l d e a , P M (1985) How to misread a dictionary AILA Bulletin (in press)

Miller, G A., & Johnson-Laird, P N (1976) Lanuuaue and Perception Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press

Procter, P (ed.) (1978) Z d ~

tionarv of Contemporary Enulish

Harlow, Essex: Longman

chank, R C (1975)

marion Processing

North-Holland

Conceotual Infor-

Amsterdam:

Simpson, G B (1984) Lexical ambiguity and its role in models of word recog- nition° P s v c h o l o a i c a l Bulletin, 96, 316-340

Sleeman, D , & B r o w n , J S ( e d s )

(1982) Intelliaent Tutorina Systems New York: Academic Press

Taylor, S E., Frackenpohl, H., & White,

C E (1979) A revised core vocab- ulary In E D L Core Vocabularies in

~Eadinu Mathematics S c i e n c e and

• " New York: McGraw-Hill

Templin, M C (1957) Certain Lanuuaae Skills in Children= T h e i r DeveloomenE and Interrelationships Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press

Walker, D E., & Amsler, R A (1984) The use of machine ~eadable diction- aries in subianguage analysis In R

I Kittredge (ed.), W o r k s h o p on Sub~ lanuuage Analv~iSo (Available from the authors at Bell Communications Re-

Mocristown, NJ 07960.)

Wilks, Y A (1978) Making preferences more active A r t i f i c i a l Intslliaence,

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