A study on intra household gendors relations of ethic menorities in northern viet nam

With the above arguments, this study investigated the impact of rural de-collectivization and economic integration on intra-household gender relations in the Northern Uplands of Vietnam

ODAStudy Series15-05

A Study on Intra-household

Gender Relations of Ethnic

Minorities in Northern Vietnam

Nguyen Khanh Doanh, Tran Nhuan Kien, Do Dinh Long,

Bui Thi Minh Hang, Nguyen Thi Than

A Study on Intra-household

Gender Relations of Ethnic Minorities in Northern Vietnam

KOREA INSTITUTE FOR

INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY (KIEP)

[30147] Building C, Sejong National Research Complex, 370, Sicheong-daero, Sejong-si, Korea

Tel: 82-44-414-1114 Fax: 82-44-414-1122,1199

URL: http://www.kiep.go.kr

Il Houng Lee, President

ODA Study Series 15-05

Published December 30, 2015 in Korea by KIEP

ISBN 978-89-322-1605-8 94320

978-89-322-1072-8 (Set)

Price USD 7

ⓒ 2015 KIEP

A Study on Intra-household Gender Relations

of Ethnic Minorities in Northern Vietnam

Bui Thi Minh Hang, and Nguyen Thi Than

ODA Study Series 15-05

Summary

Vietnam is divided into three large regions: the northern region, the central region and the southern region Within each of the three regions, there are subregions The Northern region includes 2 subregions namely, Red River Delta and Northern Midlands and Mountain Area The latter is defined as including 14 provinces: Ha Giang, Cao Bang, Bac Kan, Tuyen Quang, Lao Cai, Yen Bai, Thai Nguyen, Lang Son, Bac Giang, Phu Tho, Dien Bien, Lai Chau, Son La, and Hoa Binh with diversity in population This Northern Midlands and Mountain Area or the Northern Mountainous Area of 14 provinces encompasses over 90,000 km2, accounting for almost one third of the country’s area and is home to approximately 11.7 million people, including 31 of the officially recognized 54 ethnic groups of Vietnam Rocky mountains with high terrain and steepness are main characteristics of the region As a result, the population density is just 122 people per km2, well below to the national average density of 274 people per km2 The region therefore is diverse in terms of ecology, area, population and cultures.Ethnic minorities are concentrated in upland and mountainous areas where access to infrastructure or health and educational facilities is limited and they are much poorer than other groups They are among the poorest groups residing in Northern Vietnam Being physically, economically, and culturally isolated from the rest of the nation, these groups are the most neglected and traditional, while benefit the least from the development process of Vietnam brought about by the reform program Among them, women are the poorest and most disadvantaged New changes and challenges brought about by the reform program of Vietnam in the late 1980s have put the women of these groups, who were originally disadvantaged and less productive, to a more disadvantaged position Increased excessive workload as well as access to and control over resources are among the factors that reduce opportunities for building women’s capacities and hinder their

A Study on Intra-household Gender

Relations of Ethnic Minorities in Northern Vietnam

Nguyen Khanh Doanh, Tran Nhuan Kien, Do Dinh Long,

Bui Thi Minh Hang, Nguyen Thi Than

Before 1980s, gender inequality in Vietnam is often attributed to the Confucian traditional view on women’s and men’s role Traditional women use the whole life to serve for their husband and sons In the period of collectivization the traditional norms on gender relations were challenged both in ideology and in practice Women were mobilized to contribute to the American war by stepping

up production and running family affair, and to show their responsibility for national defense In the period of 1980s and onward, the intra-household gender relations have been changed on the basis of the combination of traditional gender norms, residual of socialist ideology, and new socio-economic reform policies The roles of social expectation on men’s and women’s “proper” sphere have been redefined and provide ideological ground to bargain a solution Most ethnic minority groups operate under a patriarchal system, which does not give women the right to participate in the decision making process in their families and communities Due to the influence of patriarchy, they have a strong boy-preference because of the requirement of husband’s family after woman’s marriage to take care of her parents-in-law until they pass away In addition, the social security system for the elderly is still lacking in Vietnam Therefore, married women are required to have a son, and this fact leads to a number of issues such as abortions and an imbalance of sex ratio at birth

Vietnamese government has diversified policies focusing on ethnic minority development in rural and remote areas These policies were concretized by many poverty reduction programs for specific targeted poor household groups and regions, such as Program Program 135 and Program 30a with the aim of improving the living conditions of ethnic minorities; Program 132 and Program

134 which targeted mainly at the Central Highlands to increase access to land and improve housing condition; the Hunger and Poverty Eradication Program; health insurance program for the poor However, these programs aimed at a specific

commune rather than ethnic minority people or households For instance, Program which was first approved in 1998 directed to the poor communes and allocated financial resources for investing in local infrastructure, out of options including roads, schools, health centers, irrigation system, water supply systems, etc The creation of such programs represented an attempt of Vietnamese government to narrow the distance of socio-economic development among rural and remote areas However, it is revealed that the shortcomings of these programs soon became apparent: too few of interventions focused on health, too few of attention to gender inequality among ethnic people, a lack of community mobilization on poverty reduction (Adams, 2005).

Vietnam has received donation from sources of assistance development World Bank, Asia Development Bank, Japan, France, Germany are major donor So far, Vietnam has been the 2nd or 3rd largest Korea’s ODA recipient in Asia Korea’s ODA has also played an important part in the considerable success of Vietnam’s socio-economic development and poverty reduction However, Korea’s ODA allocation has mainly focused on improving transportation infrastructure (51.9%

of loan from EDCF), health, environment, water supply and sanitation In comparison with the other major ODA donors in Vietnam, such as ADB, WB, and Japan, Korea has paid little attention on cross-cutting issues including gender relations in ethnic minority people

With the above arguments, this study investigated the impact of rural de-collectivization and economic integration on intra-household gender relations

in the Northern Uplands of Vietnam for the period 1986 onward and the determinants of women’s decision making in household of ethnic minorities in Northern of Vietnam It examined relatively unexplored questions on gender and development in comparative regional studies: How have intra-household gender norms and relations in the cultures of ethnic minority groups been redefined in the period of rural de-collectivization and economic integration? To what extent can

change intra-household gender relations in ethnic minority groups influencing the development of their household economies and the Northern Uplands of Vietnam? To which extent can gender relations in ethnic minority groups be improved to be beneficial to the development of their household economies and the Northern Uplands of Vietnam? With a focus on gender relations within ethnic minorities, this study aims at strengthening the roles and positions of ethnic minorities, especially women, so that both women and men will invest their resources more effectively in the development of their household economies and the Northern Uplands of Vietnam The results of this study would be useful to all participants of the study, including ethnic minority groups under study, local authorities, policy makers, and academic and research institutions Findings and conclusions made from this study make it possible to provide strategies and lines

of actions to the policy makers in order that the presence and future generations

of ethnic minority people contribute more effectively to and benefit from the development cause of the Northern Uplands of Vietnam

In order to fufill the above objectives, a theoretical framework to measure factors affecting the intra-household gender relations in ethnic minority group in Northern Mountainous Area of Vietnam was developed With the total sample of

480 households located in Thai Nguyen and Son La provinces, the respondents are women who all have husband and at least one child Regarding the role of women in family decision making, our result shows that 49.2 percent of respondents made decision themselves on healthcare while only 7.1 percent on household purchases In terms of making decision about daily household needs, 81.7 percent of respondents are women The results show the importance of ethnic minority women in daily decision making, but their role on deciding considerable problems is neglected The results also show an interesting point That is the decision on visiting to family or relatives does not belong to woman but her husband Husbands play a crucial role in deciding whom to visit in 87.5 percent

of families Child care decision is affected by the role of both husband and wife with 76.7 percent of respondents’ consent.

As for regression analysis, we include model summary and ANOVA and coefficient analysis to explore the important factors that affect women’s decision-making within household By using the appropriate statistical package,

it is found that women’s family decision making is affected by major factors, including women’s years of schooling, income contribution to household, granted assets as getting marriage and male family member working far from home have a positively significant effect on the level of their decision making power at household level The results of multiple regression analyses also indicate that husband’s years of schooling, gender of household head, household current assets and husband granted asset are the major factors deterring women’s autonomy in Northern households

With a focus on gender relations within ethnic minorities in Northern Vietnam, there are several policy implications for both local authorities as well as the policy makers from the results of this research: (i) In order to increase ethnic women’s autonomy in decision making in Northern Vietnam, it is necessary to organize professional training courses for ethnic minority women The finding of our results show that years of schooling of spouse affects to women’s decision making This implies that the higher education the woman is, the higher autonomy she is in decision making Thus, as the local authority provide professional training courses, they will create favourable chance for ethinic minority women

to increase their necessary skills as well as basic knowledge Accordingly, more training programs should be provided to ethnic minority households in rural areas

of Northern Vietnam These programs should be focused in the main areas including health, education, agricultural development In order to improve the quality of training, multi-year training programs should be implemented along with the expansion of long-term degree courses and short-term special vocational

training (ii) Besides, ethnic minority women should actively participate in projects and/or programs in order to increase their income Local authorities may create favorable conditions for enterprises located in the Northern to offer employment opportunities toward ethnic minority women The number of jobs available for women relative to those available for men in any economic sectors

is considered to be an important role increasing women’s decision making within households (iii) Strengthening the cooperation between many organizations, individuals and societies to improve gender equality in remote areas, especially

in areas where ethnic minorities live Local authorities may cooperate with private organization to conduct conversations toward ethnic families about the introduction of a parental or paternity leave to show government support for men

to play a larger role in child care and to support their spouses in pursuit of careers They may work with youth to engage them on gender equality, rights of women, roles of men in childcare, healthcare and home management, as well as roles of women as leaders in the workplace and community (iv) Diversifying resources mobilization from State, enterprises and social community to implement the plan,

in which the local authorities will priotize the allocation of state budget for implementation of National targets on gender equality Enhancing, inspecting and building the capacity for specialized inspectors in gender equality activities and the violation case law on gender equality

Executive Summary · · · 5

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction · · · 19

1 Background to the Research · ··· · 20

A Overview of Regional Development in Northern Vietnam · · · 20

B Collectivization and De-collectivization in Vietnam · ··· · 24

C Gender Relations in Ethnic Minority Groups in the Regional Development Process · ··· ··· ·· 30

D Justification for the Research · ··· · 34

2 Research objectives · ··· ··· · 37

3 Theoretical and Conceptual Framework · ··· · 38

A Main Research Questions · · ··· ··· · 38

B Theoretical Framework · ··· ··· ··· · 39

C Research Methodology · ··· ··· 42

4 Scientific Contributions and Innovative Aspects · ··· · 43

5 Scope and Limitation · ··· ··· · 46

Chapter Ⅱ Overview of Korea's ODA to Vietnam · · · 47

1 Current Status of Korea’s ODA to Vietnam · ··· · 48

A Bilateral Grants · ·· ··· ··· ··· · · 48

B Bilateral Concessional Loans · ··· ··· ··· · 50

C Effect of Korea’s ODA on FDI · ··· ··· · 53

Contents

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2 Performance of Korea’s ODA to Vietnam under the CPS · ··· · 53

A An Introduction of the Country Partnership Strategy

3 The importance of Korea’s CPS in the Context of Regional

1 The Nature of Intra-household Gender Relations · ··· · 68

2 Existing Economic Conceptualizations of Intra-household

A Neoclassical Models of Intra-household Distribution-unitary

B Bargaining (power) Models-Non Unitary Models · ··· · 73

3 Empirical Views of Intra-household Relations and the Role of

A Rural De-collectivization, Economic Integration and Ethnic

Minority Groups in the Northern Uplands of Vietnam · ··· · 84

B Research Approach · ··· ··· ··· · 91

C Research Model · ··· ··· ·· · 92

2 Selection of Sample · ··· ··· 96

3 Data Collection · ··· ··· ··· · 97

4 Data Analysis · · ··· ··· ··· ·· · 99

A Descriptive Statistics · ···· ··· ··· ·· · 99

B Econometric Analysis · ··· ···· · 99

Chapter Ⅴ Impacts of Rural De-collectivization And Economic Integration on Intra-household Gender Relations in Northern Vietnam · · · 107

1 General Background of the Respondents · ··· 108

2 Comparison Analysis of Differences in Decision-making · ··· · 119

A Analysis of Differences in Decision-making in Terms of Household Gender · · ··· ··· ··· · 119

B Analysis of Differences in Decision-making in Terms of Geography · ··· ··· ··· ··· · 120

C Analysis of Differences in Decision-making in Terms of Ethnic Group · ··· ··· ··· 122

3 Factors Affecting Household Decision-making · ··· 123

A Results of the Model · ·· ···· ··· ··· ··· · 123

B Analyzing the Results · ··· ··· ··· 125

4 Discussions · ··· ··· ··· ··· ···· 126

Chapter Ⅵ Conclusions and Policy Implications · · · 129

1 Conclusions · ··· ··· ··· ··· · 130

2 Policy Implications · ··· ··· ···· ··· ·· · 132

REFERENCES · · · 135

APPENDICES · · · 151

Table 1.1 Selected Indicators of Vietnam’s Northern Mountainous Area

in 2014 · ··· ··· ··· ·· · 21

Table 1.2 Major Ethnic Minority Groups in Vietnam in 2009 · ··· · 22

Table 1.3 Number of Policies for the Northern Mountainous Area during 2006-2012 · ··· ··· ··· ··· ·· · 23

Table 1.4 Selected Indicators by Ethnicity, 2010 · ··· · 32

Table 1.5 The Total Population of Related Ethnic Minority Groups · ·· · 34

Table 2.1 Korea’s ODA Partner Countries from 1991 to 2009 · ··· 48

Table 2.2 Total Assistance and Rank of Vietnam in the List of Korea’s ODA Recipient Countries · ··· · 49

Table 2.3 Korea’s Grant Aid Performance by Sector in Vietnam (2008-2013) · ···· ··· ··· · 50

Table 2.4 Korea’s Cncessional Loans to Vietnam · ··· · 52

Table 2.5 ICT Projects · ···· ··· ··· · 59

Table 5.1 Sample Structure by Commune · ··· · 108

Table 5.2 Sample by District in Son La Province and Thai Nguyen Province · · ··· ··· ··· · 109

Table 5.3 Summary Statistics of Variables (a) · ·· ··· ···· · 109

Table 5.4 Summary Statistics of Variables (b) · ··· · 110

Table 5.5 How Did you Choose Your Husband? · ··· ··· · 112

Table 5.6 Position in Society · ··· ··· ···· · 112

Table 5.7 What is Your Current Occupation? · ··· ··· ··· · 112

Table 5.8 Do Your Son/Sons Go to School? · ··· · 114

Table 5.9 Up to What Level should Your Sons Study? · ··· · 114

Table 5.10 Do Your Daughter/daughters Go to School? · ··· · 115

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Table 5.11 Up to What Level Should Your Daughters Study? · ··· 115

Table 5.12 Husband’s and Wife’s Income Contribution · ··· · · 116

Table 5.13 Descriptive Statistics · ···· ··· ··· 116

Table 5.14 Making Decisions on Own Healthcare · ··· ···· 117

Table 5.15 Making Decisions on Major Household Purchases · ··· · 117

Table 5.16 Making Decisions on Daily Household Needs · ··· 118

Table 5.17 Making Decisions on Visits to Family or Relatives · · ···· 118

Table 5.18 Making Decisions on Child Care · ··· ···· · 119

Table 5.19 Description of the Sample for Decision-making in Terms of Gender · ··· ··· · 119

Table 5.20 Group Statistics on Analysis of Differences · ···· ···· · 121

Table 5.21 Coefficientsa Regression Results Using OLS · ·· ··· · 124

Figure 2.1 Korea’s EDCF to Vietnam by Sector, Cumulative Total

1995-2014 · ··· ··· ··· ·52

Figure 4.1 GDP by Sectorat Constant 1994 Prices after the DoiMoi Reform of Vietnam · ·· ··· ··· ··· ··· · · 86

Figure 4.2 Income Per Capita after the DoiMoi Reform of Vietnam · ·· · 87

Figure 4.3 Poverty Rate after the DoiMoi Reform of Vietnam · ··· · 89

Figure 4.4 Poverty Rate by Ethnic Groups after the DoiMoi Reform of Vietnam · ···· ··· ··· ··· ··· · · 90

Figure 4.5 Poverty Rate by Gender of Household Owners after the DoiMoi Reform of Vietnam · ··· ··· ··· ··· · · 91

Figure 4.6 The Research Model · ··· ··· · 95

Figure 5.1 Your Current Occupation · ··· ··· ···· · 113

Box 2.1 ADB’s Gender Strategy by Sector in Vietnam · ··· ··· · 64

Box 2.2 Japan’s Support for Social Development · ··· ··· 65

Figures

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Boxes

Chapter Ⅰ.

Introduction

1 Background to the Research

2 Research Objectives

3 Theoretical and Conceptual Framework

4 Scientific Contributions and Innovative Aspects

5 Scope and Limitation

1 Background to the Research

A Overview of Regional Development in Northern Vietnam

Vietnam is divided into three large regions: the northern region, the central region and the southern region Within each of the three regions, there are subregions The Northern region includes two subregions, namely, the Red River Delta and the Northern Midlands and Mountain Area The latter is defined as including 14 provinces: Ha Giang, Cao Bang, Bac Kan, Tuyen Quang, Lao Cai, Yen Bai, Thai Nguyen, Lang Son, Bac Giang, Phu Tho, Dien Bien, Lai Chau, Son La, and Hoa Binh; with diversity in population Most of these provinces are gates to China, rendering the region an important part of the country This Northern Midlands and Mountain Area, or the Northern Mountainous Area, of 14 provinces encompasses over 90,000 km2, accounting for almost one third

of the country’s territory and is home to approximately 11.7 million people (General Statistical Office of Viet Nam 2015), including 31 of the officially recognized 54 ethnic groups of Vietnam (Michaud, Turner, and Roche 2002) Steep, rocky mountains amid high terrain are the main characteristics of the region As a result, the population density is a mere

122 people per km2, well below the national average density of 274 people per km2 The region is therefore diverse in terms of ecology, area, population, and culture

According to official statistics, the Kinh people account for the majority

of the population in Vietnam In the Northern Mountainous Area, however, the Kinh people account for only 45.3 percent Instead, this region is

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 21

dominated by the ethnic minority groups of Tay, Thai, Muong and Mong people For example, approximately 91 percent of the Mong minority group inhabits the region, followed by Tay (86.11 percent), and Thai and Muong (over 62 percent each) (Table 1.2) In many provinces, the number of ethnic minority groups account for a major part of the total population, for instance Cao Bang (94.1 percent), Ha Giang (87.2 percent), Lai Chau (86 percent), Ban Kan (85 percent) and Lang Son (83.2 percent) The Tay ethnic minority group resides mainly in Lang Son (16 percent), Cao Bang (12.8 percent), Ha Giang (10.4 percent) and Bac Kan (9.6 percent) As for the Thai ethnic minority group, most are living in Son

La (36.9 percent) and Dien Bien (12 percent) Hoa Binh is home to a large part of the Muong ethnic minority group, of which 39.6 percent

is living in the area, followed by Phu Tho province (14.5 percent) Over

No Indicators Unit Vietnam Northern Area

1 Total area km 2 330,966.9 95,266.8

2 Average population 1000 per 90,728.9 11,667.5

3 Population density person/ km 2 274 122

4 Adult literacy rate % 94.7 89.0

5 Life expectancy at birth year 73.2 70.7

7 No of teachers person 856,730 143,408

8 No of pupils person 15,082,381 2,049,080

9 Child mortality rate % 22.4 33.9

10 Labor force (from 15 year olds) 1000 per 53,748.0 7,448.5

11 FDI inflows mill USD 252,716.0 11,742.1

12 No of hospitals hospital 994 197

13 Monthly average income per capita 1000 VND 2,640 1,613

14 No of supermarket supermarket 762 89 Source: General Statistics Office of Viet Nam (2015).

Table 1.1 Selected Indicators of Vietnam ’s Northern Mountainous Area in 2014

90 percent of the Mong population is living in the region, concentrated

in high mountainous provinces along the border with China, such as Ha Giang (21.7 percent), Dien Bien (16 percent), Son La (14.7 percent) and Lao Cai (13.7 percent)

Given its strategic location, diverse culture and economic conditions, the government has given special consideration to the region Priorities are given to the development of infrastructure, human resources, poverty reduction, social securities, and rural and economic development During the 2006-2012 period, 65 policies in the area of resource management and development were issued by different agencies for the region In addition, 61 policies were also implemented to directly support ethnic minority groups in the region Overall, there were a total of 211 policies issued with an aim to develop the Northern Mountainous Area, of which

88 were implemented following the decision of the Prime Minister (Table 1.3)

It is argued that the government policies targeting the region are comprehensive, covering most issues involving culture and socio-economic

No. Ethnic

Groups

Total (Person)

Northern Area (Person)

Percentage (%)

Table 1.2 Major Ethnic Minority Groups in Vietnam in 2009

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 23

development Due to ethnic heterogeneity, ecological diversity, and varying levels of development, however, the region still lags behind other regions Although annual economic growth rate of the Northern Mountainous Area during 2010-2014 was 9.5 percent, the poverty rate was still 18.4 percent compared to the national average of 8.4 percent Monthly average income per capita was 1.6 million VND in 2014, a million VND short of the national average In fact, the rate of poverty reduction varies across different ethnic minority groups and regions Child mortality rate in the region was extremely high Quality of medical services was relatively lower than other regions, not to mention the small number

of hospitals Economic development and structural changes in the Northern Mountainous Area has been slow, and a large share of inhabitants still faces food shortages The region’s accumulated foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows accounted for a minor part of the total FDI inflows into the country (4.6 percent)

Policy area

National Assembly ’s Resolution

Government ’s Decree

Prime Minister ’s Decision

Regional development policies 0 3 6 - 9

Source: Nguyen Lam Thanh (2014)

Table 1.3 Number of Policies for the Northern Mountainous Area during 2006-2012

B Collectivization and De-collectivization in Vietnam

1) Collectivization: the 1950s-1980s

After seizing victory over the French in 1954, Vietnam was divided into North and South according to the Geneva Treaty The South was controlled by America until 1975 The North, under the leadership of the Communist Party, implemented a radical land reform in 1953-1955 (Jamal & Jansen 1998), allocating land to individual farming households

on the basis of equal distribution Despite the success of the land reform, Northern Vietnam embarked on the process of collectivization in the late 1950s, consolidating its agriculture from household-based into collective agricultural system All lands and means of production were pooled together and placed under the ownership of cooperatives The cooperative became the basic unit of production, management and decision-making (see Ngo Thi Men 1995) Household members including both women and men worked for cooperatives to earn work-points In return, cooperatives provided peasant households with food and other services.Gender disparities in Vietnam are often attributed to the traditional Confucian view on the roles of women and men (Nguyen Kim Cuc 1997; Khuat Thu Hong 1998) Before the foundation of Vietnam in 1945, the ideology "men take care of the outside, women take care of the inside" had been the traditional norm on gender division of labor Women having poor access to productive resources and family property has been deeply rooted in the patriarchal, patrilocal, and patrilineal institutions Throughout their whole lives, the women were considered as someone’s daughter, wife, or mother Women were supposed to follow three types of obedience:

to her father before marriage, to her husband after marriage, and to her

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 25

son after the death of her husband Under such family and marriage institutions, women had no independent income or property, and their access to resources was attached to their relations with husband and son Patriarchal institution, patrilineal inheritance and patrilocal marriage residence turned Vietnamese women into a typical example of gender oppression

Nevertheless, in the period of collectivization the traditional norms

on gender relations were challenged both in ideology and in practice One of the objectives of Vietnam’s social and economic policies was

to achieve equal rights for both women and men in all spheres of life

In Ho Chi Minh’s words, “Women are half of the people If women are not free, then the people are not free” (Tetreault 1996) Government policies encouraged rural women to work outside the household and paid particular attention to ensuring that laws and regulations on gender equality were enforced Furthermore, collectivization and the need for women in the construction of the country provided women with more opportunities

to step out of their traditional domain Rural women were encouraged

to participate in agricultural production, rural infrastructure construction, and cooperatives' work In practice, the traditional gender ideology implying that a good woman should restrain her sphere to the home was broken

In addition, social services subsidized by cooperatives (e.g., nurseries, kindergartens, crèches, sanatoria, schools, hospitals, etc.) were developed

to provide free services to peasant families, especially to soldiers' wives and single mothers, so that women could work alongside men in the cooperatives and have more time to participate in social activities The material and spiritual lives of rural women were improved During the

American war, especially during 1967-1972, women were mobilized to contribute to the war effort by stepping up to production and running family affairs, and to show devition to their responsibility for national defense by encouraging their sons and husbands to join the army Besides, females also provided the revolutionaries with food, first aid medical treatment and shelter and participated in the struggle for independence When millions of soldiers went to the South to join the army, rural women even assumed primary responsibility for agricultural cultivation and village administration.

2) De-collectivization: the 1980s and Onward

In the late 1980s, Vietnam launched a measure of reform Agriculture was de-collectivized and the household was reinstated as the autonomous unit of production, consumption and decision-making (see Hainsworth 1999) Cooperatives were abandoned (Ravallion& van de Walle 2001) All cooperative land and means of production, as well as responsibilities were transferred to individual households The living standards of the household now depends mainly on its own agricultural and economic performance State subsidies for education, health and other social services were abolished (see Tran Thi Van Anh & Le Ngoc Hung 1997) Peasants now have to pay user fees for education, healthcare, childcare, care for the elderly, etc (see Le Thi 1995; Do Thi Binh 1997) In rural areas, the system of kindergartens and pre-school classes was disbanded (Le Ngoc Van 1997) Many primary teachers left their jobs since cooperative subsidy was cut off Health services were no longer subsidized This could be referred to as the household responsibility system

In the face of significant reforms, all aspects of rural people’s lives

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 27

were re-organized to become based on individual households The household re-emerged as the autonomous economic unit, responsible for its own tasks including income generation, labor division, coordination

of production, old-age support, childcare, expenditure, etc Intra-household gender relations have consequently changed, founded on a combination

of traditional gender norms, legacies of socialist ideology, and new socio-economic reform policies Social expectations on the “proper” sphere for men and women have been redefined, and provide ideological grounds for a solution Due to the abolition of state subsidies for social services, women have been forced to become the only source for helping the weak, the sick, the elderly and the young In consequence, the work burden

on women increased, leaving little time for them to advance In such situations, economic opportunities outside of the home may not be of much use to women who are burdened with these tasks

The impact of rural de-collectivization on intra-household gender relations and especially, the role of women’s decision-making has been the most drastic among ethnic minorities in the Northern Uplands of Vietnam, because people in these areas are completely dependent on agriculture Among them, Dao and Mong ethnic minority women are the most disadvantaged, due to traditional culture and the patriarchal institution Women often do not complete first or secondary grade, and remain illiterate all their lives This limits their work in the household and on the farm, an example being the inability to read fertilizer warnings

or appropriate dosages A lack of basic knowledge on agronomy, along with illiteracy and insufficient time and opportunities to acquire these skills, limits their ability to apply new information and technologies, improve production strategies, save, borrow, and invest capital, or identify

new market opportunities The productivity of women is thus curtailed, human potential is restricted, and dependency on husbands and relatives grows As a result, their capacity to generate income remains low, alongside their low status in the family and in the society Lack of confidence and a low sense of independence are also major obstacles impeding women’s roles and capacities in improving the household economy Especially in more isolated ethnic communities, interaction with the outside world is typically the man’s prerogative, while women are restricted to the domestic domain The tradition of “looking up to men” and “looking down on women” persists, and the vicious cycle is exacerbated, further limiting prospects and opportunities for minority women.

One of the changes in the role of women can be found in the institution

of marriage Females are no longer subject to their parents’ consent, and are entitled to determine their own marriage partners In the family with children, it is easy to have empathize “men make houses, women make homes.” Still, most women are of the opinion that men should be the leader and safeguard of the wife and children, while women should dedicate their lives to taking care of the home In other words, the responsibility of maintaining the hierarchy and happiness of the couple has been assigned evenly between wife and husband There have also been significant changes in attitudes towards sons and daughters Historically, the role of the son in a family was highly appreciated by the Confucian culture Only by having a son was the father respected

by his cousins and neighbors, because a daughter was assumed to be incapable of supporting her parents Yet, this view has gradually lost its value over the past decades as the power of gender disparities has

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 29

become weaker and weaker

One of the most explicit impacts of the reform on the socio-economy would be the improvement in females’ reproductive health Since the mid-1980s, a variety of family planning campaigns were rolled out nationwide With the aim of scaling down the population, these campaigns were undertaken for the sake of women and communities Along with

a large number of programs focusing on educating females to avoid unwanted pregnancies, the promulgation of Vietnam’s one or two-child policy has had a considerable impact on reducing poverty and enhancing standards of living Many methods of contraception have been introduced

to females In addition to abortion - a traditional contraceptive method considered as the last choice, the use of IUDs (intra-uterine device) and condoms has become more and more popular At the heart of these campaigns, the responsibility of controlling family size, in other words using contraception, seems to accrue to women

On the one hand, since family planning campaigns kept their focus

on married women, it was not easy for young people to access information The lack of knowledge about reproductive health can be explained by two elements The first is that there were few lessons on reproductive health in schools The second is that there were few relevant organizations assuming responsibility for dealing with premarital sexuality

On the other hand, globalization and integration have made way for occident culture to rush into the country Accordingly, premarital sexuality has become more and more prevalent, especially among the young generation living in urban areas The problem is that society still holds prejudice against females who engage in premarital sexuality For many people, virginity somehow demonstrates a woman’s morality Males,

therefore, are less vulnerable to immoral accusations related to premarital sexuality This raises various controversial debates in social media on relationships in a modern society This trend, to some extent, reflects the improvement of women’s position in freely determining their marriage status with less parental intervention

C Gender Relations in Ethnic Minority Groups in the Regional Development Process

Vietnam has gained an international reputation for its relative gender equality Over the past decade, the country has already made considerable progress in closing gender gaps in education and healthcare and achieving

a significant decline in maternal mortality (World Bank, 2011), reflecting the country’s commitment to achieving gender equality However, despite these extensive achievements, a significant gap between women and men still exists, especially among ethnic minority groups

Traditionally, most ethnic minority groups operate under a patriarchal system (Tay, Nung, Thai, Dao, Mong etc.), which does not give women the right to participate in the decision-making process of their families and communities Due to the influence of patriarchy, they have a strong preference for sons This is because a woman is required to stay in her husband’s family after marriage, and to take care of her parents-in-law until they pass away In addition, Vietnam’s social security system for the elderly is still of want (UNICEF Vietnam 2010) Therefore, married women are required to bear a son, and this consequently leads to a number of issues such as abortion and an imbalance of sex ratios at birth (JICA 2011)

According to Nathercott, Nguyen, and Hunt (2010), women from ethnic

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 31

minority groups in Vietnam face a number of disadvantages Ethnic minority women lag significantly behind ethnic minority men and the Kinh ethnic group in accessing healthcare, education services and economic opportunities For example, at least one out of four ethnic minority women is illiterate; among those aged 15 to 17, only about

60 percent of ethnic minority girls are in school compared with over

72 percent of boys, and approximately 20 percent of ethnic minority women never attended school; in addition, ethnic minority women account for much higher infant and maternal mortality rates (Nathercott, Nguyen, and Hunt 2010) The results from the 2009 Vietnam population and housing census shows that the literacy rate differs greatly among ethnic minority groups as well as between men and women The Kinh group stands out with the highest literacy rate (95.5 percent), followed by the Tay and Muong ethnic minority groups The Mong ethnic minority group has the lowest literacy rate, at 37.7 percent

There is a gap between genders and ethnic groups in accessing education This also has great impacts on the role of women in decision-making process Access to primary education for children from ethnic minority groups and in mountainous areas is still insufficient Although the ethnic minority groups’ enrollment rate in primary education

is over 80 percent, the percentage of children who can complete primary education stands at only 60 percent, and girls from ethnic minorities have the lowest enrollment rate in primary education For secondary education, however, ethnic minority groups’ attendance rate is 67.8 percent for boys and only 61.6 percent for girls, while the corresponding rates for the Kinh group are 80 percent and 82.6 percent, respectively (UNICEF Vietnam, 2010) JICA (2011) explains this disparity by the fact that parents

prefer to educate boys rather than girls; they need the support of girls for domestic chores, and family finances are restricted For higher education, the enrollment rate was only 11 percent for men and 8 percent for women (World Economic Forum 2008) In addition, the educational and technical qualification levels of the Kinh people always turn out higher than the other ethnic minority groups, and the differences become particularly more apparent at higher levels (UNFPA 2011) Therefore, improving educational and technical qualifications for ethnic minority groups remains the main objective for the Vietnamese government When it comes to healthcare services, there are notable disparities among different ethnic minority groups and regions In 2011, the under-five mortality rate of ethnic minority groups was three times higher than that

of children in the Kinh group Access to public utilities such as the national electric power grid, improved water and sanitation were significantly limited for the ethnic minority groups as compared with that of the Kinh group For example, access to the electricity grid by the Kinh group was 90.9 percent in 2010, whereas this ratio for ethnic minority groups was less than 69 percent Access to improved water was even worse for ethnic

No Indicators Kinh/Hoa (%) Ethnic Minority (%)

1 Poverty rate (by expenditure) 13 66.3

2 Poverty gap (by expenditure) 2.7 24.3

3 Literacy rate for population aged 10 and older 96.2 79.8

4 School attendance rate for children aged 6-14 95 89.8

5 Households with access to electricity grid 90.9 69.6

6 Households with access to improved water 69.2 18.4

7 Households with access to improved sanitation 98.9 83.2 Source: SRV (2013).

Table 1.4 Selected Indicators by Ethnicity, 2010

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 33

minority groups, at only 18.4 percent in comparison with 69.2 percent for the Kinh group (Table 1.4)

Poverty reduction in Vietnam is one of the most striking success stories

in the developing world Nevertheless, the poverty incidence between the Kinh group and ethnic minority groups remains high, and the poverty rate gap between the two has recently widened This means that the pace

of poverty reduction for ethnic minority groups is far behind the Kinh group One cause is the unequal access to socio-economic factors among different ethnic groups, resulting in huge shifts in poverty distribution across regions According to the Millennium Development Goals Full Report 2013, for example, ethnic minority groups accounted for 20 percent

of the poor in 1993; this figure rose to 29 percent in 1998 and reached 50.3 percent in 2010 The average income of ethnic minority households

in poor and remote areas is only one-sixth of the national average (SRV 2013) Disparity in poverty levels between geographical regions has risen

in recent years For example, the poverty rate in 2010 was 2.3 times higher than the national average, and the corresponding figure in 2012 was 2.5 times (SRV 2013)

During the past decade, the Vietnamese government has rolled out various policies and legal frameworks to promote gender equality and women’s protection in order to improve the role of women in society

In 2006, the government adopted the Gender Equality Law The Law aims, among others, to increase the participation of women in politics and decision-making; provide equal opportunities in economic activities, labor participation, education and vocational training, healthcare and equality between husband and wife The Law on Domestic Violence Prevention and Control was enacted in 2008 to specify arbitration within

families, counselling services, public awareness, prevention and support for victims In order to tackle gender issues in ethnic minority groups, the Ethnic Minority Committee proposed the “Policy for Support of Gender Equality Activities in Ethnic Minority and Mountainous Areas Where the Social and Economic Conditions are Particularly Difficult 2011-2015”

in 2010 The policy focuses particularly on education in gender awareness, improvement of employment and income, literacy, healthcare for mothers and children and nutrition

Overall, gender relations in ethnic minority groups and more specifically, the role of women in decision-making process have changed significantly due to the impact of the resettlement process, the urbanization process as well as the impact of mass media Women’s role in society have made positive progress; inequality in access to education, healthcare and employment has gradually narrowed thanks to support from the government and development partners

D Justification for the Research

Ethnic minorities are concentrated in upland and mountainous areas where access to infrastructure or health and educational facilities is limited,

Ethnicgroup Population Male Female Ethnic group Population Male Female Thai 1,550,423 772,605 777,818 Kho-mu 72,926 36,515 36,414 Muong 1,268,963 630,983 637,980 Lu 5,601 2,825 2,776 Dao 751,067 377,185 373,882 Raglai 122,245 59,916 62,329 Mong 1,068,189 537,423 530,766 Mnong 102,741 50,021 52,720 Source: General Statistics Office of Vietnam (2010).

Table 1.5 The Total Population of Related Ethnic Minority Groups

(Unit: person)

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 35

and they are much poorer than other groups (e.g Van de Walle and Gunewardena 2001; ADB 2002a; World Bank 2004; Gaiha and Thapa 2006; Imai and Gaiha 2007; Imai, Gaiha and Kang 2007) They are among the poorest groups residing in Northern Vietnam Being physically, economically, and culturally isolated from the rest of the nation, these groups are the most neglected and traditional, while benefitting the least from the development of Vietnam brought about by the reform program Among them, women are the poorest and most disadvantaged New changes and challenges created by Vietnam’s reform program in the late 1980s have placed the women of these groups, who were already disadvantaged and less productive, in an even more disadvantageous position Increasingly excessive workloads as well as the lack of access

to and control over resources are among the factors that curb opportunities for building women’s capacities, and hinder their advancement.Over the past few decades, gender norms and relations in Vietnam have been reshaped by major socio-economic changes In rural areas, the processes of collectivization in the 1950s and of de-collectivization

in the 1980s were such changes during which traditional gender norms and practices were challenged and redefined Although gender equality was far from being fully achieved through the collectivization of the 1950s, its generally positive effect on women by weakening the patriarchal family has been cited in a number of studies (e.g., UNIDO 1992; Fahay 1994; Kelly 1994) Unlike the socio-economic policies of the collectivization

of the 1950s that deliberately promoted gender equality, the rural reforms characterized by de-collectivization since the 1980s claimed a

“gender-neutral” face However, implemented in the traditional setting of patriarchal and patrilineal institutions, the so-called “gender neutral” reforms

have, in fact, affected men’s and women’s lives in a different manner.

“Doi moi” policy was introduced in Vietnam after the 1980s, under which agriculture was de-collectivized and the household was reinstated

as the basic unit of production, management, and decision-making, then the role of women was gradually improved Although it is not explicitly specified, the current policies of the reform program are based on the assumption of the “new household economics” theory implying that households are unitary, stable, care-taking and homogeneous units Based

on this assumption, the current gender “neutral” policies of Vietnam do

not take the gendered nature of household relations into consideration Nevertheless, social policies are never implemented in the context free from an institution, and thus unintentionally lead to a complex effect Implemented in a traditional institutional setting, these neutral policies actually affect women and men in different ways and inevitably lead

to a gender-biased effect During the reform process, complex gender relations in the household and kinship systems have unfolded

To this date, little research has been made into the gendered impact

of rural de-collectivization on intra-household gender relations of the ethnic minorities in the Northern Uplands of Vietnam and also there are no study on the determinants of women’s decision-making in ethnic groups

In particular, no research has examined the issue in a regional and comparative perspective, in spite of important similarities and differences, and the potential benefits of such comparison Given this context and the knowledge gap in the existing body, we propose to undertake this study.This study investigates the determinants of women’s decision-making

in the households of ethnic minorities in Northern Vietnam It will examine relatively unexplored questions on gender and development in comparative

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 37

regional studies: How have intra-household gender norms and relations

in the cultures of ethnic minority groups been redefined in the period

of rural de-collectivization and economic integration? To what extent can changed the role of women in ethnic minority groups in the Northern Uplands of Vietnam? To what extent can gender relations in ethnic minority groups be improved to benefit the development of their household economies and the Northern Uplands of Vietnam?

With a focus on gender relations within ethnic minorities, this study aims to strengthen the roles and positions of ethnic minorities, especially women, so that both women and men will invest their resources more effectively in the development of their household economies and the Northern Uplands of Vietnam The results of this study will be useful

to all participants of the study, including ethnic minority groups under study, local authorities, policy makers, and academic and research institutions Findings and conclusions from this study make it possible

to provide strategies and lines of action to policy makers so that the presence and future generations of ethnic minority people contribute more effectively to and benefit from the development cause of the Northern Uplands of Vietnam

2 Research Objectives

The overall objectives of this study are to examine the impacts of various socio-economic, cultural, and demographic factors on intra- household gender relations, especially the role of women in the Northern Mountainous Area of Vietnam and propose appropriate policy

recommendations

Accordingly, the specific objectives are as follows:

- To provide an overview of the current status of rural tion, economic integration and intra-household gender relations in Northern Vietnam

de-collectiviza To examine the current performances of Korea’s CPS in Vietnam

in relation to regional development in the Northern Mountainous Area of Vietnam

- To identify factors affecting women’s decision-making in ethnic nority groups in the Northern Mountainous Area of Vietnam

mi To propose policy implications to improve the role of women in decision-making process in ethnic minority groups in order to raise their household economies in the Northern Mountainous Area of Vietnam

3 Theoretical and Conceptual Framework

A Main Research Questions

This research project qualitatively examines the impact of rural de- collectivization and economic integration on intra-household gender relations

in the cultures of ethnic minority groups, and quantitatively identifies factors affecting women’s decision-making process in Northern Vietnam Therefore, this study is guided by the following research questions:

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 39

- What is the current performance of Korea’s CPS in Vietnam?

- What is the importance of gender relations in the regional ment of Northern Vietnam?

develop How have gender relations at the household level in the cultures

of ethnic groups been redefined in the context of rural reforms and economic integration?

- What are the factors influencing women’s decision-making in ethnic minorities groups in the Northern Vietnam?

B Theoretical Framework

The theory of households was brought into mainstream economics by the economist Gary Becker in the mid-1960s (Becker 1965; Becker 1981),

expanded by Singh, Squire, and Strauss (1986) to apply to agricultural

households, and by Gronau (1977) and Kooreman & Kapteyn (1987)

to include home production and leisure The model of new household

economics, sometimes called the “common preferences” model or the

“altruism” model or the “benevolent dictator” model or “unified preference” model, is based on the notion that all household members have the same preference function in relation to both consumption and production The allocation of labor between family members is determined rationally by the principle of comparative advantage, while the distribution

of consumption is based on the needs of the family members: from each according to their ability; to each according to their need (Saith & Tankha 1972; cited in Ellis 1988) The household is seen as a wholly cooperative and homogeneous unit with altruism The decision-making unit is the homogeneous household, which is governed by rational choice made by the altruistic household head whose preferences reflect his concern for

the welfare of all the other family members (homogeneity assumption).

The bargaining framework offered alternative approaches to

intra-household gender relations, covering cooperative approach (e.g.,

Manser & Brown 1980; McElroy & Homey 1981; Folbre, 1986b; McElroy

1990; Moehling 1995), non-cooperative approach (e.g., Kanbur 1991;

Lundberg &Pollak 1993; Kanbur& Haddad 1994; Lundberg &Pollak 1994;

Carter & Katz 1997; Ulph 1988; Wooley 1998), or some mix of these

(e.g., Lundberg &Pollak 1993; Carter & Katz 1997) Unlike new household

economics, bargaining models incorporate both the cooperation and

conflict of individual family members into the household models to trace intra-household relations, and consider the household a domain of

‘cooperative conflict’ (Sen 1985; Sen 1990) Members of the household face two different types of problems simultaneously: one involving cooperation (adding to the total availabilities) and the other involving conflict (dividing total availabilities among the members of the household) Household members cooperate insofar as cooperative arrangements make each of them better off than non-cooperation However, many different cooperative outcomes are possible in relation to who does what, who assumes what responsibilities, who gets what goods and services, who takes what decisions, and how each member is treated These outcomes are beneficial to the negotiating parties relative to non-cooperation But among the set of cooperative outcomes, some are more favorable to certain parties than others-that is, one person’s gain is another person’s loss-hence the underlying conflict between those cooperating Which outcome emerges depends on the relative bargaining power of the household members

Drawing on the experience of Vietnam’s reform program (which took

Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 41

the assumption of new household economics and thus led to a gender-biased effect) and the feminist critiques of new household economics (e.g., Galbraith 1974; Folbre 1986a; Sen 1990; Elson 1991) this research project rejects the harmonious assumption of new household economics, and look at both cooperation and conflict within households, especially focusing on the factors affecting women’s decision-making in households The key concepts of the “fallback position” (Manser & Brown 1980; McElroy & Horney 1981), “separate sphere” (Lundberg & Pollak 1993; Carter & Katz 1997), and “self-evident way to play” (cited in Lundberg & Pollak 1996) are used as guidelines for determining the relative power of household members

Due to the complex nature of the issue to be studied, this study does not rely on any single theoretical framework but attempts to benefit from different perspectives Intra-household gender relations are influenced by various determinants, including: social norms (Lundberg &Pollak 1993; Hart 1993; Agarwal 1994; Folbre 1995; Katz 1996; Folbre 1997; Ilahi 2000), social perceptions (Agarwal 1983; Agarwal 1986; Sen 1990; Agarwal 1997), access to communal resources (Chambers, Saxena, and Shah 1989; Agarwal 1990; Dasgupta 1993; Kabeer 1995; Agarwal 1997; Maggs & Hoddinott 1997), age (Spiro 1983; Blood & Wolfe 1960), distance of natal home and image of female sex (Acharya and Bennett 1982), kinship network (Nolan and Scott 2006), female mobility (Mayoux and Hartl 2009), choice of marriage partners (Acharya and Bennett 1982), basic attitudinal attributes (Quisumbing & Maluccio 2000), household income level, household property level (Agarwal 1997), women’s individual income (Hoddinott and Haddad 1995), socio-economic status

of natal family (Frankenberg & Thomas 2001), assets brought into the